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32 Domestic Violence Bills Have Slept in the National Assembly for Three Years

모민철모민철 기자· 10/18/2026, 6:25:24 PM· Updated 10/18/2026, 6:25:24 PM

Legislation Stalls Every Time Tragedy Strikes

Thirty-two bills aimed at protecting victims of domestic violence have been adrift in the National Assembly for more than three years. According to Yonhap News, while police are reviewing measures to isolate perpetrators and strengthen victim protection in the wake of a series of domestic violence tragedies, the very bills meant to support such efforts have fallen asleep without so much as a review after being introduced. This is why critics point to institutional blind spots as the backdrop for the repeated tragedies.

The number of related bills pending in the National Assembly stands at 32. Amendments to the Act on the Punishment of Domestic Violence and the Act on the Prevention of Domestic Violence make up the majority, with key provisions reportedly including stronger restraining orders against victims' abusers, making emergency temporary measures more effective, and mandating counseling and treatment programs for perpetrators. Yet these bills remain stalled amid partisan confrontation and legislative delays. Each time a domestic violence case has emerged as a social issue, the National Assembly has vowed to come up with countermeasures, only for the discussion to reset to square one once public outrage subsided.

Key Contents of the Bills and Who They Cover

What the pending bills commonly target are mechanisms to protect victims immediately after an incident. Under current emergency temporary measures, penalties for violating restraining orders have been so minimal that questions about their effectiveness have persisted. Accordingly, the bills would strengthen sanctions for violating restraining orders, extend the duration of temporary measures, expand victim shelters, and mandate completion of treatment programs for perpetrators.

Coverage is also being discussed for expansion to include not only spouses and family members but also de facto partnerships and post-divorce contact. This is a demand born of repeated cases where post-breakup stalking escalates into domestic violence. The aim is to change a structure in which victims remain exposed to danger while the isolation of perpetrators is delayed.

Debate and Political Calculations

Behind the legislative delay lies the political calendar. The National Assembly's current focus is consumed by political and judicial issues: discussions over the impeachment of Chief Justice Cho Hee-de, a special prosecutor for the National Election Commission, and a special prosecutor into prosecutorial fabrication of indictments. With the Democratic Party formally pushing to impeach Chief Justice Cho and the People Power Party demanding President Lee Jae-myung's resignation, partisan confrontation has intensified, pushing livelihood legislation down the priority list, analysts say.

The reality shown in the report is less about strong opposition to the domestic violence bills themselves than about the lack of any room to review them. That said, there has long been cautious argument that tougher criminal penalties for violating restraining orders could amount to excessive punishment. Civil society groups and victim advocates have urged after every tragedy that "this time, finally, legislate," but their voices have been drowned out in the noise of political hearings. Just as there have always been attempts to silence those who speak truth to power, critics say far more pressure will be needed before the voices of powerless victims are reflected in institutions.

Outlook and Challenges

The outlook is hardly bright. With the regular session's schedule filled with special prosecutors, impeachments, and other political issues, it is unclear when the Legislation and Judiciary Committee and the Gender Equality and Family Committee will seriously begin reviewing the bills. A significant number of the 32 have remained pending for more than three years without being scrapped, and they may lapse automatically in the next Assembly or have to wait to be reintroduced.

Even so, alternatives exist. One is for the ruling and opposition parties to bundle and fast-track livelihood bills on which they can agree, regardless of political disputes. Strengthening perpetrator isolation and victim protection is an area where both sides have little justification to oppose, making the political consensus relatively easier to reach. The key question is whether the National Assembly can now turn its habit of shouting after every repeated tragedy into actual legislative achievement.

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