October 1 Legislative Report: 7 Floor-Crossing Votes in a Single Plenary Session
Seven Votes Against Party Lines: Cracks on Display in the National Assembly Plenary
Three lawmakers from the Democratic Party of Korea cast dissenting votes on the revision bill to the National Intelligence Service Act. The bill, passed at the plenary session on September 3, 2026, cleared with 94 votes in favor and 3 against within the Democratic Party, but the choices made by Reps. Moon Jeong-bok, Seo Mi-hwa, and Jeon Jin-sook against the party line brought internal rifts to the surface. That same day, four members of the People Power Party also voted against the partial revision to the Special Act on the October 29 Itaewon Tragedy. In all, seven defection votes were cast across both parties in a single day of plenary session.
The Itaewon special act revision passed with 57 People Power Party votes in favor and 4 against. Reps. Kang Seung-kyu, Lee Jong-uk, Kim Jang-kyom, and Joo Ho-young stood with the opposition. As a bill aimed at guaranteeing victims' rights, uncovering the truth of the tragedy, and preventing recurrence, the dissenting votes are being read not merely as a departure from the tally but as a political signal. Notably, Rep. Joo Ho-young is a senior figure who has held key posts such as the party's chief deputy floor leader, and attention is focused on how the divisions revealed in this vote will shape the party's internal debate going forward.
What Internal Defections Signal: The 22nd National Assembly Through Voting Data
In terms of scale, the defections were marginal. The Democratic Party's opposition amounted to roughly 3 percent, and the People Power Party's to about 6.5 percent. But what carries more weight than the numbers is the direction of the defections. The NIS Act revision is strongly oriented toward reform of the prosecution and intelligence agencies, echoing a broader push for prosecution reform led by the reformist camp, including the Cho Kuk Innovation Party. In line with reform bills sponsored by figures such as Rep. Lee Soo-wan of the Cho Kuk Innovation Party, the opposition from some ruling-party lawmakers reveals that disagreements exist within the party itself over the pace and scope of reform.
The committee assignment structure of the 22nd National Assembly also reflects this legislative landscape. According to publicly available Assembly data, People Power Party Rep. Lee Yong-gyu and Cho Kuk Innovation Party Reps. Kim Il-gon, Moon Hyun-bin, Lee Hyun-kyung, Ryu Sung-oh, Ban Jae-yeol, Kim Yong-dae, and Lee Soo-wan, along with Democratic Party Rep. Choi Moon-do, hold seats on both the Education Committee and the Special Committee on Budget and Accounts. With multiple lawmakers assigned across the twin pillars of education and budget, the structure could create a burden where high-stakes bill reviews and budget negotiations proceed simultaneously once next year's budget deliberations get underway.
Plenary Schedule Pressure and the Wild Cards: OSH Act and Urban Redevelopment Act
According to Yonhap News, as the National Assembly pushes through plenary sessions ahead of the parliamentary audit, the handling of the Occupational Safety and Health Act and the Urban Regeneration Special Act—bills over which the opposition has threatened filibusters (unlimited debate to obstruct proceedings)—has emerged as a key point of interest. Democratic Party floor spokesperson Jeon Eun-soo previously said at a briefing after the general meeting of lawmakers that both bills would be put to the plenary. The OSH Act sharply divides labor and business interests following the controversy over stronger punishment for serious industrial accidents, while the Urban Redevelopment Act remains under renewed negotiation for a bipartisan compromise amendment over issues of development profits and floor-area ratio incentives.
The business community's voice is no less vocal. The Korea Federation of SMEs delivered 81 legislative improvement tasks to eight standing committees of the National Assembly, calling for stronger growth ladders for companies. That such a concrete petition to the legislature numbers 81 items suggests the regular fall session will see no small volume of regulatory bills processed. Meanwhile, the Financial Services Commission is pushing to revise regulations allowing internet banks to hold in-person debt-restructuring counseling, targeting a December decision—meaning Assembly legislation and executive rule changes are moving in tandem in a shifting financial regulatory landscape.
Outlook: Whether Defection Votes Spread Is the Wild Card for the Second Half of the Session
The key question ahead is whether the defection votes remain a one-off or spread. Since the three Democratic defectors on the NIS Act and the four People Power Party defectors on the Itaewon Act all voted publicly, if the same lawmakers maintain similar positions on subsequent contested bills, the issue could grow into a structural problem of weakened party discipline. At the same time, cross-party legislative currents continue—People Power Party Rep. Na Kyung-won, with the support of Reps. Han Duck-soo and Lee Jun-seok, sponsored a resolution to investigate the truth of the DMZ landmine tragedy—suggesting a gradual move away from an era when party lines were the sole criterion for deciding how to vote.
Another variable: People Power Party floor leader Jung Jeong-sik has threatened an outdoor assembly of lawmakers, demanding supplementary measures ahead of the enforcement of the revised Criminal Procedure Act. With December's budget processing, the Criminal Procedure Act's implementation, and votes on the OSH and Urban Redevelopment Acts all crowding the second-half schedule, the possibility of a moment when a handful of defectors hold the casting vote cannot be ruled out. Seven defection votes may seem small—but there is no law saying they cannot be the first tile in a domino run.
