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As Audit Ends, Cho Hee-dae Probe and Special Counsel Bills Move to Legislative Frontline (25 chars incl. spaces)

모민철모민철 기자· 11/1/2026, 6:58:38 PM· Updated 11/1/2026, 7:08:02 PM

The moment the National Assembly audit ended, the ruling and opposition parties' confrontation shifted instantly to the legislative frontline.

Ahead of the November regular session's plenary and committee schedules, the National Assembly has lined up major bills and procedures for processing, including a parliamentary investigation of Chief Justice Cho Hee-dae and the Fabricated Indictment Special Counsel Act. The Democratic Party has formally announced plans to process the investigation plan for Chief Justice Cho at next month's plenary session. The People Power Party has strongly pushed back, calling it "crude political violence." According to Yonhap News, the confrontation between the two parties is rapidly moving from the audit into a legislative and budget war.

Why Now?

Behind this standoff lies the December 3 martial law crisis. The Democratic Party believes there are indications Chief Justice Cho aligned with the martial law declaration at the time, and has focused the investigation on his actions then. Senior spokesperson Park Sung-jun explained the purpose and scope of the investigation in these terms to reporters after the Supreme Council meeting. The problem is the special counsel's findings. In an earlier special counsel investigation, suspicions against Chief Justice Cho were concluded with no charges. Pressing ahead with a parliamentary investigation anyway means the investigation agency's conclusion and the Assembly's direction are now at odds.

And it is not just the Cho Hee-dae probe. The Fabricated Indictment Special Counsel Act is seen as another fuse for November's interparty conflict. The bill, pushed by the ruling party, would establish the legal basis for appointing a special prosecutor to investigate allegations of prosecutorial fabrication of indictments. With these discussions, which surfaced in the final days of the audit, moving into legislative procedure as soon as the audit ended, observers say the latter half of the regular session is bound to become a head-to-head battle over bill processing.

Key Contents of the Bills and Procedures

A parliamentary investigation is the Assembly's authority to summon and question witnesses to uncover the truth of a specific matter. Once the plan passes the plenary, a special investigation committee is formed, followed by summons of witnesses and reference persons and demands for document submission. The Democratic Party is targeting next month's plenary for processing. The Fabricated Indictment Special Counsel Act, like special counsel arrangements generally, would go through candidate recommendation, appointment, and the granting of investigative powers, and if the opposition does not consent to the appointment, the bill itself could stall at the vote.

Legislation on revenue and expenditure is also in motion. After a Board of Audit and Inspection review confirmed annual revenue discrepancies averaging over 50 trillion won over the past four years, a bill was introduced requiring the government to transparently disclose the basis for its revenue forecasts. Its aim is to reduce revenue discrepancies of up to 52 trillion won a year. Repeatedly inaccurate revenue forecasts undermine confidence in budget planning itself and can ultimately lead to the burden of tax hikes or spending adjustments, giving this bill the weight of the figures behind it.

Impact on Parties and Markets

The two parties' positions collide head-on. The Democratic Party argues that uncovering the truth of the martial law crisis is the Assembly's duty. The People Power Party counters that re-investigating a matter already concluded with no charges amounts to political pressure on the judiciary. With the Cho Hee-dae probe, the Fabricated Indictment Special Counsel Act, and special counsel Kim Gun-hee's appeal in the Oh Se-hoon Seoul mayoral case cascading one after another, the disputes over special counsels themselves will dictate the political calendar.

The impact could spread to the economy as well. A prolonged legislative standoff could delay next year's budget, and budget delays would disrupt public investment and construction and procurement schedules. If the revenue forecast transparency bill passes, the Finance Ministry and National Tax Service would have to submit their estimation bases to the Assembly, effectively demanding structural change in how fiscal authorities draft budgets.

Schedule and Outlook

November is a watershed for the regular session. The Democratic Party plans to put the Cho Hee-dae investigation plan to next month's plenary, with a vote on the Fabricated Indictment Special Counsel Act expected around the same time. If the opposition responds with filibusters or agenda-blocking tactics, processing could slip to December. Since the budget must, in principle, be passed by December 2 under the Constitution, the burden of simultaneous bill battles and budget negotiations grows heavy.

In the end, the Assembly over the next two months will likely weigh the pace of judiciary-related bills against the budget deadline. In a structure where special counsels and parliamentary investigations overlap with the political calendar, bills could well be used as negotiation cards between the parties. As seen in special counsel Kim Gun-hee's appeal in the Oh Se-hoon case, some matters have already moved to the Supreme Court stage, and with legislation, investigation, and trial all intertwined, the direction of the year-end political landscape will be decided.

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